Trump-branded resorts are expanding across Saudi Arabia, Oman, the UAE and the Maldives, led by a $10 billion Saudi development. The projects, tied to state-linked developers, are reviving conflict-of-interest concerns as President Trump deepens diplomatic and economic ties with key U.S. partners in the Gulf and Asia.
The Trump Organization is pressing ahead with a wave of luxury hotel, residence, and golf developments across the Gulf and parts of Asia, led by a newly announced $10 billion pair of projects in Saudi Arabia that would place the Trump name inside a flagship development backed by the kingdom’s sovereign wealth fund.
The Saudi plan, announced Sunday by Dar Global—the international arm of Saudi developer Dar Al Arkan—includes a Trump-branded golf course and hotel complex in the Diriyah project near Riyadh and a “Trump Plaza” mixed-use development in Jeddah, according to Reuters.
The move comes as Saudi Arabia rolls out reforms intended to draw foreign capital into property and markets—policy shifts that help create a new class of international buyers for high-end branded residences and resort investments.
But the expansion is also intensifying questions from ethics advocates about whether foreign governments and state-linked entities could curry favor with President Donald Trump through projects that enrich his family business—especially when developments intersect with diplomacy, defense, and investment talks.
Saudi Arabia: a $10 billion launch inside a PIF-backed mega-development
The biggest new venture sits within Diriyah, a multibillion-dollar heritage-and-lifestyle development outside Riyadh. The Financial Times reported that the Trump-branded Diriyah component is a $7 billion hotel-and-golf project inside the broader $63 billion Diriyah development backed by the kingdom’s Public Investment Fund (PIF).
PIF itself describes Diriyah Company as a PIF company responsible for developing the project.
Saudi Arabia’s timing is notable: Reuters reported that the kingdom will allow foreigners to own property in designated areas starting this month, a shift widely viewed as supportive of precisely the kind of internationally marketed luxury residences that brand partners sell alongside hotels and golf clubs.
What this means politically: The Saudi announcement followed high-level engagement between Trump and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and coincided with Saudi efforts to close major deals spanning defense and emerging technologies, the Financial Times said—creating a backdrop in which commercial announcements and state-to-state negotiations unfold in parallel.
Oman: partnership tied to a government tourism developer
In Oman, the Trump brand is attached to Trump International Oman at AIDA, a hotel-and-golf development being built with Dar Global and OMRAN Group, the sultanate’s government tourism development company.
A Trump Organization statement describing the project explicitly references OMRAN as a joint-venture partner, and OMRAN describes itself as a national destination developer created to drive tourism-sector growth and economic diversification.
What this means politically: Because OMRAN is government-owned and mandated to advance national tourism strategy, the arrangement is not merely a private real estate bet—it connects Trump-branded hospitality to a state-directed economic agenda in a country where tourism development is a strategic national priority.
UAE: licensing deals, plus influential partners with Washington-facing ambitions
In the United Arab Emirates, Reuters reported that Dar Global and the Trump Organization planned a Trump-branded tower in Dubai, including a Trump hotel and branded residences, with the Trump Organization licensing its name rather than owning the property.
Separately, the Associated Press reported that DAMAC Properties’ billionaire founder Hussain Sajwani, a longtime Trump business partner in Dubai, announced a $20 billion investment plan for U.S. data centers—an example of how major Gulf-linked business figures often maintain commercial ties that run in both directions, from Trump-branded projects in the region to investment pledges in the United States.
What this means politically: None of these developments proves a quid pro quo, but the structure—luxury branding projects marketed in the Gulf alongside high-visibility investment diplomacy with Washington—creates recurring perception risks that ethics groups argue are inherently hard to firewall when a sitting president’s family business remains active abroad.
Maldives: “tokenized” Trump resort marketed to global investors
In the Maldives, Dar Global and the Trump Organization announced Trump International Hotel Maldives, describing about 80 ultra-luxury villas and an opening target of the end of 2028.
The project drew attention not only for the Trump name but also for financing claims: Dar Global and the Trump Organization promoted what they called the world’s first tokenized hotel development, and outlets including CoinDesk and Forbes reported that the plan would allow investors to buy digital/fractional interests tied to the development.
What this means politically: Large Maldivian resort projects typically require extensive permitting and long-term island leasing arrangements; while the public announcements emphasize innovation and luxury, the broader question for watchdogs is whether a Trump-branded resort in a tourism-dependent country deepens the perception that foreign jurisdictions can win goodwill by hosting branded projects associated with the U.S. president’s family.
Indonesia: a Trump-linked project halted over environmental concerns
In Indonesia, the government ordered developer MNC Land to halt a tourism project affiliated with the Trump Organization, Reuters reported, citing poor rainwater management and failures to meet environmental and community impact requirements.
The Associated Press said the broader development included Trump-branded resorts and golf courses and had received special economic zone status in 2023—before environmental concerns triggered enforcement action.
Euronews reported that the project’s Indonesian backer, billionaire Hary Tanoesoedibjo, attended Trump’s inauguration the prior month, underscoring how these developments can intersect with business networks and political access.
What this means politically: Indonesia illustrates both sides of the story: the reach of the Trump brand abroad—and the vulnerability of high-profile projects when local regulators, civil society groups and environmental constraints collide.
The central question: influence, not just investment
The Trump Organization’s overseas model—often structured as branding and licensing—lets the company expand without putting up most of the construction capital. Reuters’ reporting on the Dubai deal explicitly described that approach.
Ethics advocates argue that the model can still create a channel for foreign governments or state-linked entities to deliver financial benefits—directly or indirectly—to a sitting president’s family business. The watchdog group Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) has warned that overseas developments in places including Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Oman could raise emoluments-related concerns if Trump does not divest.
Legal and policy groups note that the Constitution’s Foreign Emoluments Clause was designed to prevent foreign influence over federal officials, including the president—though its scope and enforcement have been contested and litigated for years.
What remains unresolved is where, in practice, the line is drawn between branding deals common in global real estate and arrangements that create unacceptable incentives for foreign actors—especially when projects are embedded in sovereign-wealth-backed developments, government tourism strategies, or investment diplomacy with Washington.
